Lord Wavell, Viceroy of India since October 1943, gave this radio broadcast from New Delhi on 14 June 1945, soon after returning from talks with the British government in London. The war in Europe had ended in May, but the war against Japan went on. The members of the Congress Working Committee had been in detention since the Quit India resolution of August 1942. On the same day, Leopold Amery read the same proposals to the House of Commons.
The broadcast sets out the plan in plain terms. The Viceroy's Executive Council would become an Indian body apart from the Viceroy and the Commander-in-Chief, with "equal proportions of Caste Hindus and Moslems," and Indians would hold the Finance, Home and External Affairs portfolios. Wavell insists this is not a constitutional settlement and would not prejudice one. He names those he is inviting to meet him at Simla on 25 June, among them Gandhi and Jinnah, and announces the release of the Congress Working Committee members still in detention. He ends by asking for goodwill, since "There is on all sides something to forgive and forget."
[p. 73] I have been authorised by His Majesty's Government to place before Indian political leaders proposals designed to ease the present political situation and to advance India towards her goal of full self-government. These proposals are at the present moment being explained to Parliament by the Secretary of State for India. My intention in this broadcast is to explain to you the proposals, the ideas underlying them, and the method by which I hope to put them into effect.
This is not an attempt to obtain or impose a constitutional settlement. His Majesty's Government had hoped that the leaders of the Indian parties would agree amongst themselves on a settlement of the communal issue, which is the main stumbling-block; but this hope has not been fulfilled.
In the meantime, India has great opportunities to be taken and great problems to be solved, which require a common effort by the leading men of all parties. I therefore propose, with the full support of His Majesty's Government, to invite Indian leaders both of Central and Provincial politics to take counsel with me with a view to the formation of a new Executive Council more representative of organised political opinion. The proposed new Council would represent the main communities and would include equal proportions of Caste Hindus and Moslems. It would work, if formed, under the existing Constitution. But it would be an entirely Indian Council, except for the Viceroy and the Commander-in-Chief, who would retain his position as War Member. It is also proposed that the portfolio of External Affairs, which has hitherto been held by the Viceroy, should be placed in charge of an Indian Member of Council, so far as the interests of British India are concerned.
A further step proposed by His Majesty's Government is the appointment of a British High Commissioner in India, as in the Dominions, to represent Great Britain's commercial and other such interests in India.
Such a new Executive Council will, you realise, represent a definite advance on the road to self-government. It will be almost entirely Indian, and the Finance and Home Members will for the first time be Indians, while an Indian will also be charged with the management of India's Foreign Affairs. Moreover Members will now be selected by [p. 74] the Governor-General after consultation with political leaders; though their appointment will of course be subject to the approval of His Majesty the King-Emperor.
The Council will work within the framework of the present constitution; and there can be no question of the Governor-General agreeing not to exercise his constitutional power of control; but it will of course not be exercised unreasonably.
I should make it clear that the formation of this interim Government will in no way prejudice the final constitutional settlement.
The main tasks for this new Executive Council would be:—
First, to prosecute the war against Japan with the utmost energy till Japan is utterly defeated.
Secondly, to carry on the Government of British India, with all the manifold tasks of post-war development in front of it, until a new permanent constitution can be agreed upon and come into force.
Thirdly, to consider, when the Members of the Government think it possible, the means by which such agreement can be achieved. The third task is most important. I want to make it quite clear that neither I nor His Majesty's Government have lost sight of the need for a long-term solution, and that the present proposals are intended to make a long-term solution easier.
I have considered the best means of forming such a Council; and have decided to invite the following to Viceregal Lodge to advise me:
Those now holding office as Premier in a Provincial Government; or, for Provinces now under Section 93 Government, those who last held the office of Premier.
The Leader of the Congress Party and the Deputy Leader of the Muslim League in the Central Assembly; the leader of the Congress Party and the Muslim League in the Council of State; also the leaders of the Nationalist Party and the European Group in the Assembly.
[p. 75] Mr. Gandhi and Mr. Jinnah as the recognised leaders of the two main political parties.
Rao Bahadur N. Siva Raj to represent the Scheduled Classes.
Master Tara Singh to represent the Sikhs.
Invitations to these gentlemen are being handed to them today and it is proposed to assemble the Conference on 25th June at Simla where we shall be cooler than at Delhi.
I trust that all those invited will attend the Conference and give me their help. On me and on them will lie a heavy responsibility in this fresh attempt to make progress towards a final settlement of India's future.
If the meeting is successful, I hope that we shall be able to agree on the formation of the new Executive Council at the Centre. I also hope that it will be possible for Ministries to re-assume office and again undertake the tasks of government in the Provinces now administered under Section 93 of the Constitution Act and that these Ministries will be coalitions.
If the meeting should unfortunately fail, we must carry on as at present until the parties are ready to come together. The existing Executive Council, which has done such valuable work for India, will continue it if other arrangements cannot be agreed.
But I have every hope that the meeting will succeed, if the party leaders will approach the problem with the sincere intention of working with me and with each other. I can assure them that there is behind this proposal a most genuine desire on the part of all responsible leaders in the United Kingdom and of the British people as a whole to help India towards her goal. I believe that this is more than a step towards that goal, it is a considerable stride forward, and a stride on the right path.
I should make it clear that these proposals affect British India only and do not make any alteration in the relations of the Princes with the Crown Representative.
With the approval of His Majesty's Government, and after consultation with my Council, orders have been given for the immediate release of the members of the Working Committee of Congress who are still in detention. I propose to leave the final decision about the others still under detention as the result of the 1942 disturbances to the new Central Government, if formed, and to the Provincial Governments.
[p. 76] The appropriate time for fresh elections for the Central and Provincial Legislatures will be discussed at the Conference.
Finally, I would ask you all to help in creating the atmosphere of goodwill and mutual confidence that is essential if we are to make progress. The destiny of this great country and of the many millions who live in it depends on the wisdom and good understanding of the leaders, both of action and of thought, British and Indian, at this critical moment of India's history.
India's military reputation never stood higher in the world than it does at present; thanks to the exploits of her sons drawn from all parts of the country. Her representatives at International conferences have won high regard for their statesmanlike attitude. Sympathy for India's aspirations and progress towards prosperity was never greater or more widespread. We have thus great assets if we can use them wisely. But it will not be easy, it will not be quick; there is very much to do. There are many pitfalls and dangers. There is on all sides something to forgive and forget.
I believe in the future of India, and as far as in me lies will further her greatness. I ask you all for your co-operation and goodwill.
Speeches by Earl Wavell, from 26th October 1943 to 21st March 1947 (New Delhi: Governor-General's Press, 1948), pp. 73–76.