Statement on His Resignation from the Bengal Cabinet

[p. 205] Dr. Syamaprasad Mookerjee spoke for over three-quarters of an hour detailing events leading to his resignation from the Cabinet. His speech received tremendous applause from all sections of the House save the European group, and Dr. Mookerjee was greeted with shouts of "Bande Mataram" as he resumed his seat. Mr. Abdur Rahman Siddiqui and a few other leading members of the Muslim League Party in opposition congratulated Dr. Mookerjee on his speech when the House rose for a short recess. Said Dr. Mookerjee :—

As members of the House are aware, I felt compelled to resign first because I found that the continued policy of the British Government and the Government in this country was to ignore the claims of Indians to fuller political power, to hamper good Government consistent with the true interests of the people.

PRESENT INDIAN DEADLOCK

Suffice it to say that I definitely regard the authorities as responsible for the present deadlock in India. The Indian public on the whole can possibly have no sympathy with any foreign aggressor. The reason is simple and straightforward. We do not want a change of masters. We would like to see our country attain as speedily as possible that political status which is its birthright. There is no sense in our asking to be rid of British control, if we simultaneously wish to place [p. 206] ourselves under a fresh foreign yoke. The deadlock however suits the reactionary elements that dominate over the Indian administration and it is manifest that the British Government has no desire to part with power in India. Excuse after excuse is trotted out for holding India under its heels against the will of her people.

During my experience as a Minister I found to my utter surprise that in many vital matters affecting the rights and liberty of the people the advice tendered by the ministers was invariably subject to revision in the light of the counsel tendered by the more trusted members of the services whose omnicompetence was almost of a divine character. Let me make it clear beyond dispute that I do not charge public servants as a class with having failed to respect the spirit of provincial autonomy in this province. I know of officers, British and Indian, whose services have been of inestimable value to the province. My charge is directed against a coterie of officials forming the Fourth Estate or the Real Estate who to-day exercise a malign influence over the affairs of the province, and according to the language of the Defence of India Rules are dangerous men. I cannot possibly discuss all the details of the provincial administration in respect of which the farcical state of a Government within a Government has been the main characteristic. But such matters related not only to the department of Law and Order but also to other departments. The keynote of the policy of interference was that people of the land were not to be trusted and power, whenever possible, must remain in the hands of chosen British officials enjoying the confidence of the Governor and his coterie.

RELEASE OF POLITICALS

In the matter of release of political prisoners the Ministers were anxious to pursue a policy which while fully consistent with the present war emergency would at the same time help to mobilise public opinion of all shades in favour of the defence of the province against Axis aggression. Whether the recommendations affected the general state policy or individual cases, systematic obstruction came from the permanent officials, whom ministers could not remove. The revised scheme of Home Guards approved by the Council of Ministers calculated to lay the foundation of a people's army, irrespective of caste, community or politics was summarily rejected by the Governor inasmuch as the stalwarts of the department of law and order were not prepared to trust Bengalees to unite in the defence of their own motherland or in maintaining internal security. The present situation regarding food and supply of essential commodities has taken an acute turn. But here also the interfering hands of the Governor and the policy of his own selected officials whom the ministry was bound to accept, whether it liked them or not, have been mainly responsible for the lack of co-ordination and for the failure to draw up a comprehensive scheme for the relief of the people at large.

When the political disturbances due to the Congress decision in August had not broken out, the policy of combating the movement was outlined by the Government of India and such is the nature of responsible Government functioning in this unfortunate land that the communication was not allowed to be placed before the Council of Ministers inspite of repeated demands made by the Chief Minister himself. A coterie of public servants could however see this document and they were ready with plans and proposals. But Ministers were allowed access to it only after the policy had been given effect to by the Government of India on August 9 last. In the matter of appointments an Indian Civil Servant who was a Bengali, could easily be superseded by the decision of the Governor in spite of ministerial advice, on the plea that all appointments and transfers were to be made by the Governor acting in his own discretion under the Government of India Act. One may stop here and ask, is that discretion intended to be exercised only in favour of protecting the vested interests of chosen officers or the interest of members belonging to the Governor's own community? Another British Civil Servant had the audacity to put down in writing that the rates of payments made to the unfortunate evacuees of Eastern Bengal were much higher than what they deserved and as "an Imperial officer",—the words are not mine but his—(and who will dare say after this that Imperialism will ever die on the soil of India?)—as an Imperial officer he refused to carry out the orders of the provincial Government. This officer still remains in power and enjoys position of trust and responsibility.

COLLECTIVE FINES

The history of imposition of collective fines is another chapter of deliberate violation of justice and fairplay. The Hindus were singled out for mass punishment in respect of collective fines. I never suggested for a moment that the remedy was [p. 207] the inclusion of Moslems as a whole. My claim has been and is today that fines should be imposed only on persons who can be held to be guilty according to the provisions of the Ordinance. There should no imposition based on communal consideration. Just as innocent Moslems should be excluded, so also innocent Hindus should be excluded, unless the policy of Government is to terrorise the Hindus as a community. We as Ministers asked for the whole policy being reconsidered by the Cabinet and demanded a correct application of the Ordinance in suitable cases.

The House will recall that in course of a recent discussion the Indian members of the legislature belonging to all groups pressed Government for liberalising the conditions for admission to the Army and for taking steps for organising a national militia which would be charged with the solemn duty of defending our hearth and home. The ministry unanimously advocated the creation of such a militia but there was systematic obstruction from higher quarters. Want of arms and ammunitions, want of trainer, want of time were some of the pleas that were put forward, time after time. We were reminded that the task of armed defence might be left in the hands of non-Bengalees and we in our turn could well prepare the minds of the people for putting forward an effective passive resistance should the enemy ever penetrate into our land. The real reason was not a sudden affection for the doctrine of non-violence discovered by British representatives in this province, for England would not rightly agree to follow it in her own case. It was deep-rooted distrust of Bengalees, be they Hindus or Moslems, that justified a deliberate policy of emasculation of the manhood of this land.

The Denial Policy and the schemes for compulsory evacuation for military purposes have caused the greatest possible hardship to thousands of poor people in Bengal. The Council of Ministers prepared a unanimous vote indicating with sufficient clearness that the Denial Policy which was the outcome of a theory of defeatism could easily be avoided consistent with military requirements. That memorandum was not even forwarded to the Government of India and the advice of the ministers though it ultimately secured some alteration in the detailed application of the policy, could not undo the total mischief which has caused an unprecedented social and economic disaster in many parts of Bengal.

APPEAL FOR UNITY

When we come here as members of the legislature, we seek to reach the goal of our national freedom through the path of constitutional struggle. The history of countries, which still form part of the British Empire but had to wring from unwilling hands the charter of their liberty, affords glorious examples of constitutional struggle and victory. One had to read the histories of Canada and Australia for the purpose of recalling how sharp was the difference between local power and constitutional rights in these Dominions and many a Governor was actually recalled at the instance of the legislature for their flagrant acts of arbitrary dictatorship. The Government of India Act of 1935 will not indicate the manner and method of fighting for our constitutional rights. The legislatures of India will have to create new usages and conventions and demand the abrogation of arbitrary rule. After all, what is it that we want in this province and country of ours? We have as much right to throw off the yoke of British domination as England is anxious to save herself from Hitler's profane hands. Are we to be guilty of treason or branded as fifth-columnists if we re-echo President Roosevelt's historic utterance that it is much better for a nation to die standing on its feet than to live on its bended knees? We claim the liberty to shape the administrative policy of this province with the real needs of the people. We want that the will of the people will be reflected truly and forcibly in the voices of the members of the legislature and unmindful of all consequences, its members will compel the executive to proceed on lines which are in accordance with national interests. If in the process of so doing the legislature finds disturbers and obstructionists seated on high pedestals standing in the way, it must fearlessly demand their removal from office. Let me make this appeal to all section of this House so that we may unite in our own struggle to uproot tyranny and oppression we have often fought with each other and thereby not only weakened ourselves but have strengthened those reactionary forces whose very continuance depends on our difference. To-day in the crisis that threatens us, not as Hindus or Moslems as such but as Bengalees and Indians, let us demand the inauguration of an administration which will recognise our just economic and political rights. A Hindu and a Moslem may differ on many things. But do they not equally detest slavery,—and it is for ending the state of intolerable slavery that I am asking for your support and co-operation.