Speech on the Federation Resolution, Central Legislative Assembly

[p. 18] On February 18, 1943, Pandit Nilakantha Das moved in the Legislative Assembly that “this Assembly recommends to the Governor-General in Council to take immediate steps for implementing Part II (the part relating to Federation) of the Government of India Act, 1935.” During the discussion, Sir F. E. James referred to the Muslims’ demand for Pakistan. He took a favourable view of the Muslim demand and asked that in case they achieved their goal, what would be the future relationship of the independent states and also referred to the defence problem. Jamnadas M. Mehta severely criticised this reference to Pakistan by Sir James. Speaking on the resolution, Nawabzada Liaquat ‘Ali Khan said :

Nawabzada Muhammad Liaquat 'Ali Khan (Rohilkund and Kumaon Divisions: Muhammadan Rural): "Mr. Jamnadas Mehta has hauled Sir Frederick James over the coals for having the audacity to mention Pakistan in his hearing. I do not think that there was anything irrelevant in the speech of my Honourable friend, Sir Frederick James. We are considering now as to what is best for the Government of this country. The object of moving this Resolution is to provide something which, according to Mr. Jamnadas Mehta, would be a better arrangement for the Government of India. Sir Frederick James pointed out that there were the hundred millions of Mussalmans who consider some other proposition as the best means of governing India more successfully and happily. I must say that Mr. Jamnadas Mehta who as a rule is very eloquent, on this occasion did not have his heart while he was supporting the Resolution. I feel that he himself is not convinced of either the desirability or the feasibility of the Federal Part of the Government of India Act."

Mr. Jamnadas M. Mehta: "Not as a permanent measure."

Nawabzada Muhammad Liaquat 'Ali Khan : "He says, let us have this as a temporary measure: Why? Because he feels that the Indian Members, all the Members of the Executive Council will be representative of the Members of this Honourable House. But may I point out to him that there are other direct ways of achieving that object, more wholesome and happy way of achieving that object than by enforcing this part of the Government of India Act which is dead and buried and that is agreement between the parties in the country. Why introduce something which you yourself do not believe in and which the hundred millions of Mussalmans are opposed to? Why create some situation which instead of improving the state of affairs is likely to make things worse than what they are today? Sir, as is well-known to every [p. 19] Honourable Member of this House and the world at large, the Mussalmans of India will never accept any form of Central Government which will place them at the mercy of the majority community. Much has been made by the Honourable Members who have spoken before me, and one interruption was made by Bhai Parma Nand, that this portion of the Government of India Act is what everybody had accepted at the Round Table Conference. May I point out to him that Mr. Jinnah, who is the leader of the Mussalmans of India today, never accepted the Federal Part of the Act."

Bhai Parma Nand (West Panjab : Non-Muhammadan) : “He was nobody then.”

Nawabzada Muhammad Liaquat 'Ali Khan: "My friend, Bhai Parma Nand, says that he was nobody then. Then I would like to know who was somebody at this Round Table Conference."

Bhai Parma Nand: "I can mention Sir Zafrullah Khan was there."

Nawabzada Muhammad Liaquat 'Ali Khan: "Bhai Parma Nand recognises that there were some people who were 'somebodies' in his opinion."

Bhai Parma Nand: "Not in my opinion but in the Government's opinion."

Nawabzada Muhammad Liaquat 'Ali Khan : "In the few minutes which are at my disposal I do not want to be dragged into this dialogue with my friend, Bhai Parma Nand.

"Some very pertinent questions have been asked by Sir F. E. James and I feel I must say something in general terms just as he has put the questions in general terms. The scheme of Pakistan, as laid down by the Lahore Resolution of the All-India Muslim League proposes the partition of India into two or three or four independent and sovereign States. The meaning is quite clear. They are to be independent and sovereign in every respect. I quite agree with him that the tendency at present in the world is for co-operation between the various independent States of the world. Surely our differences with our Hindu friends are not greater than the differences between the other nations of the world. Therefore, there is no reason why these sovereign and independent States are not to be friendly to each other and work as good neighbours and as good friends and if ultimately they decide to have some sort of co-operative body for certain purposes, who am I or anybody else to stop them from doing so. That opportunity can only arise when there are established completely independent States. It would be for the independent States themselves to decide as to what method and machinery, if any, they would like to have for [p. 20] any matters that may be of common concern to them. I need not go into the scheme of Pakistan because it is well-known. I have not got the time at my disposal to place the reasons before the House as to why we want Pakistan. It is recognised that the Mussalmans have got very cogent and very good reasons for making that demand but I find from the speech of my Honourable friend, Sir F. E. James, that he is worried about the defence of the country. He feels that if there are more than one State in India, the defence of the country as a whole will be weakened. I hope and believe that after the war, the United Nations and such other nations that believe in the future of humanity would devise some method, some means by which the defence of a country would not assume such an important position as it does today. I believe that if the world is to progress, if humanity is to survive, this repetition of man-slaughter every twenty years must be stopped, and if the United Nations are fighting this war only to defeat the present aggression and not to make any future aggression impossible, then I would say that all these precious lives that are being lost are being sacrificed in vain. I have no doubt in my mind that India, as a whole—by India as a whole I mean the free and independent States of India—will not desire to exploit any other country. They will be satisfied with what resources India provides them and I hope, as I have stated just now, that the United Nations who are acting together today will act together in the future for the safety of humanity and civilisation and therefore, to me the question of defence does not seem to be such a problem that we should forget everything else; and even if the United Nations fail in their mission regarding the future, the interest of the two States of Pakistan and Hindustan would bring them together to defend their territories against any foreign aggression; because if one is gone you may rest assured the other will not survive for long whether it be Pakistan or whether it be Hindustan. Therefore, Sir, I have no doubt in my mind that once these two great nations inhabiting this subcontinent feel or are made to feel that they have a real stake in the country, they will see that no outsider can enter the borders of India.

"Sir, the conception of Pakistan is complete freedom for the two major communities or nationalities or whatever you may like to call them, the Hindus and the Mussalmans, to live their own lives, to develop their own culture and to follow their own ideals. We are convinced that any scheme which would force one nation or one nationality to live under the other is bound to fail. And this Federal scheme which is proposed to be enforced under this Resolution would mean the domination of Hindus over everybody else, and a situation like that, I assure [p. 21] you Mr. President, will create more trouble in the country than anything else has ever done or is likely to do. I am glad my Honourable friend Sir Frederick James, has referred to that portion of the Resolution which guarantees everything that any civilised government can guarantee to its minorities in the zones that are popularly known as Pakistan. We do believe and firmly believe that unless a Government can satisfy its minorities, it has no right to be called a civilised Government. In its own interests it must keep them satisfied because nowadays we have found what havoc fifth columnists can play in a time of crisis. Therefore, those who believe or think that that part of the Resolution is only a pious wish are greatly mistaken. We know, everybody knows, that even now under the present defective scheme that is being worked in all these provinces, in those provinces where the Mussalmans are in a majority, the minorities have been treated fairly and justly. Sir, our religion, our culture, our ideals all teach us that we must treat those who are dependent upon us—and the minorities are dependent upon the majority for their safety and their rights—not only with justice but with magnanimity. I was saying that this Resolution is a means to get something which the Congress and the Hindu Mahasabha have not succeeded in getting by means of various methods that they have adopted outside this House. This Resolution is meant for the purpose of imposing the domination of the Hindus over the Mussalmans and everybody else."

Mr. Jamnadas M. Mehta: "Can't you trust them?"

Nawabzada Muhammad Liaquat 'Ali Khan: "My friend says, 'Can't you trust them?' I did try to trust them and this is the result. If Pakistan has not been so popularly known before 1940, it is due to the fact that I tried to trust them and I did my utmost to trust them and to work with them. We have been forced by the treatment which was meted out to the Mussalmans in those provinces where the Hindus were in the majority to adopt this scheme."

Mr. Jamnadas M. Mehta: "Why should we trust you now?"

Nawabzada Muhammad Liaquat 'Ali Khan. "My Honourable friend says, 'Why should we trust you?' Well, he is trusting us. We are ruling in those provinces where we are in the majority and I have said just now that the minorities there have no just cause for any grievance."

Mr. Jamnadas M. Mehta : "Little do you know."

Nawabzada Muhammad Liaquat 'Ali Khan: "My friend, Mr. Jamnadas Mehta says: 'Little do I know'. In that case, he strengthens my argument for the partition of India."

[p. 22] Mr. Jamnadas M. Mehta: "You are always stronger: you do not realise."

Mr. President (The Honourable Sir 'Abdur Rahim) : "Order, order. The Honourable Member had his speech."

Nawabzada Muhammad Liaquat 'Ali Khan: "I was saying, Sir, that we are opposed not only to this scheme of Federation but to any scheme of Federation of any kind which is for the establishment of one Central Government for the whole of India and which would mean the domination of one community over everybody else. I would request the Government to convey to His Majesty's Government that if they try to enforce this scheme in this country under some pressure or other, they will be making the greatest mistake. The only solution is Pakistan. Let the Hindus be free and independent and happy in their homeland and let us be free and independent and happy in our homelands."